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I often describe myself as a queer researcher, and despite the multiplicity of meanings that phrase holds for me, I am still often taken aback when people ask me to explain exactly what that means. It is a personal title as much as it is an academic and professional one. I call myself a queer researcher because my identity falls under the umbrella of queer; because many of my research subjects similarly fall under the umbrella term queer, usually in more ways than one; because I am fascinated and excited by the ways artists queer identity, challenging its supposedly stable confines. However, the answer I often give people first is that my academic focus has primarily been utilising queer theory to research queer subjects who are queering identity in their cultural outputs. But this ‘simplified’ sentence itself hides a multiplicity of meanings and definitions because what exactly is queer theory,what is queer, and what is it to queer?  Reflecting on everything queer meant to me, I became curious as to the history of the word queer and how it had taken on so many meanings, not only in my life but in our social, cultural, and academic worlds. This article looks to trace the history of the word queer and how it has come to be an adjective, a noun, a verb, an insult, an identity, a theory, a methodology, a way of life and so much more. It is undoubtedly an imperfect history. As scholars like Kadji Amin in his article “Genealogies of Queer Theory” explain, there is “intrinsic difficulty in defining queer theory” (18), let alone the word queer given its multiple meanings, usages, and pasts, all of which are deeply personal to many. For instance, it is worth considering queer’s colonial roots and legacy, with some noting the word itself does not easily travel outside Western contexts. Though I will try to tell a full story of the word, my own narrative is still limited, impacted by my social positioning as a white Western queer academic. Nonetheless, I will try to give some sense of how we have gotten to a place where queer has become such a mad-libs ace.  "Snob Queers" From the 16th century, the word queer in English was an adjective describing something or someone weird, eccentric, or unconventional. However, in the late 19th century people started attaching the word to homosexual identities. Indeed, it is important to note that the modern idea of a set “homosexual” identity didn’t start to develop in Europe until the late 17th to early 18th centuries. To cut a very long (and much more nuanced) story short, before this period, homosexuality occurred in Europe, but it was not seen as a set identity. Rather, homosexuality was a practice one could participate in, or even a phase of life, often something done when one was young. Throughout the mediaeval and early modern period, practising homosexuality was illegal in much of Europe, but it was a practice one could get away with if kept quiet and done within certain social bounds. However, the Enlightenment’s obsession with categorisation coupled with the need to justify colonisation led Europeans to create a stream of new socio-cultural identities ranked from most to least civilised. Driven by a need to differentiate white colonisers from the colonised, settled ideas of what it meant and looked like to be straight or gay, Black or white, man or woman were developed. Such hierarchically structured binary views of identities solidified within European thinking and were violently exported globally via colonisation. A hierarchy of social identities formed, which, by the dawn of the 19th century, was taken as naturally occurring fact. With this came a strong belief that there was a right and wrong way to express one’s identity, where everyone was expected to mimic the behaviour of ‘civilised’ white men and women. Amongst these new dejected or ‘wrong’ identities was the homosexual.  The word queer’s attachment to this relatively new homosexual identity was popularised thanks to the 1895 trial of Oscar Wilde. Wilde had sued the Marquess of Queensbury for accusing him of being a sodomite. The issue was,  Wilde had been having an affair with the Marquess’s son, Lord Alfred Douglas, colloquially known as Bosie, for nearly four years. The defamation suit went horribly wrong as the details of Wilde and Bosie’s long sexual affair were made public. What followed was another wildly popular public trial of Wilde for sodomy. In the court case covered by nearly every major news outlet of the time, a letter written by the Marquess of Queensbury was read aloud accusing Wilde, and other supposedly homosexual men, of being “snob queers.”  The insult stuck.  Newspapers covering the trial, especially in America, rapidly picked up the phrase. Soon Americans adopted the new colloquialism beyond coverage of the trial as an easy insult to describe gays and lesbians. By 1914 the term seems to have become common parlance, travelling back to the UK. However, a 1934 dictionary entitled The Concise New Partridge Dictionary of Slang  notes that the term queer is an adjective describing a “Homosexual. Derogatory from the outside, not from within.” Additionally, letters from the period show some describing themselves as queer to denote their homosexual identification. Taken together, this suggests that while to the heterosexual English-speaking world queer was an insult, homosexuals as early as the mid 20th century were claiming the term as an identity they willingly attached to themselves without shame.  The Effect of the "Gay Plague": Reclaiming Queer The HIV-AIDS epidemic in the 1980s fundamentally reshaped the LGBT+ community, redefining LGBTQIA+ activism as well as academia. With this came a full and public reclamation of “queer”. HIV is a viral disease transmitted through bodily fluids which overactivates a body's t-cells, those primarily responsible for fighting infection, to the point of destruction, leaving those affected extremely vulnerable to disease. At its most advanced stages, HIV becomes AIDS, at which point the immune system is nearly non-existent.  HIV and AIDS made its way from Africa to the Western World as early as the late 1960s. By the mid-1980s gay men, as well as Black men and women and intravenous drug users, were dying at extortionate and disproportionate rates from the disease. The highest number of cases however, were amongst Gay men as HIV passes more easily via anal sex than vaginal. The disease quickly became known as the “Gay Plague” , and as such, was resolutely ignored by the American government with President Ronald Reagan having little interest in acting.Indeed in 1982, after 1,000 Americans had died of the disease, Larry Speakes, Reagan’s press secretary, laughed off a question by reporter Lester Kinsolving as to whether the administration planned to do anything about the disease's spread, showing just how flippantly the Reagan administration viewed the disease. Between 1981 and 1990, 100,777 deaths in the U.S. were attributed to AIDS. 59% of these deaths were gay or bisexual men, 21% were intravenous drug users. Unsurprisingly, such a massive death toll within a single community fundamentally changed the face of LGBTQIA+ organising.  LGBTQIA+ organising in America had grown exponentially in the post-war years. And by 1969 when the infamous Stonewall Riots occurred, a “Gay Liberation Movement” could be officially introduced. As its name suggests, this movement largely avoided using the term ‘queer’ or even ‘homosexual’, preferring terms like gay and lesbian. Though this movement undoubtedly had more radical edges, often pushed by people of colour, trans individuals, and others with intersectional identities, by the 1990s the mainstream Gay Liberation movement’s politics had become quite assimilatory. When the movement gained public recognition in the 1970s and 80s, it was white gay men whose voices and issues were centred, as the movement pushed for acceptance of gays and lesbians (often alone) into the normative structures of heterosexual society. Normative structures are those considered socially acceptable or ‘natural’, such as the idea that the ‘proper’ family is a heterosexual nuclear unit consisting of an active male father, passive female wife, and their children. LGBTQIA+ identities are generally non-normative, meaning they break with settled, stereotypical understandings of how male and female identity are meant to manifest. However, the mainstream gay liberation movement downplayed these non-normative characteristics by looking to mimic those of stereotypical heterosexual couples, such as the right to marry. What the AIDS movement made abundantly clear was this type of activism and inclusion would not protect gay men from the increasing violence inflicted by the state’s inaction during an epidemic ravishing their community. What emerged was a movement for Queer  liberation, and the mad-lib usage of queer began. Before this period, there were LGBTQIA+ individuals identifying as queer, as an identity marker denoting their homosexuality. This trend grew exponentially in the 1990s, with many proudly protesting as queer individuals and collectives during the AIDS epidemic. Through these organising efforts, many came to see queer as an umbrella identity under which a range of non-normative, LGBTQIA+ identities could organise. However, the term “queer” used to denote a non-normative identity was not solely limited to the LGBTQIA+ community. As Cathy Cohen notes in her seminal article “Punks, Bulldaggers, and Welfare Queens: The Radical Potential of Queer Politics?” (1997), if queer is defined as a non-normative or ‘unconventional’ identity or social positioning, then it is not only LBTQIA+ individuals who could organise or identify with the adjective. Indeed, per her title, she denotes that “Welfare Queens”, or heterosexual Black single mothers on welfare, similarly exceed the boundaries of normative heterosexual identity by breaking the mould of the nuclear family, living without a ‘bread-winning’ patriarch. Cohen, alongside diverse activists and academics, used queer to denote not only LGBTQIA+ identities, but any non-normative identity, allowing for broader coalitional political organising under the label queer. Unfortunately, in popular parlance, the idea that queer is a term for all non-normative identities has largely been lost. Instead, today queer as an identity is often used solely to denote the umbrella of LGBTQIA+ identities, rather than any non-normative social position.  Alongside the reclamation of queer as a celebratory alternative identity came a new “queer” politics. The AIDS epidemic had clearly illustrated to the LGBTQIA+ community that assimilatory politics based largely in Civil Rights strategies of the 1960s had done little to stem the crisis of violence their community currently faced. As such, activists turned to a more radical politics, inspired by the Black Liberation Movement and radical Black scholars. These organisations, like the Black Panther’s, turned to alternative lifestyles and structures of community aid, celebrating their differences rather than looking for access to and acceptance from white society. It is here that the idea of “queer” became a verb, a type of politics one could enact rather than any set identity. In the scope of queer politics, to queer was to live outside of the bounds of the heterosexual, white, middle-class nuclear family. The goal of queer politics became dismantling the restrictive confines of a ‘proper’ identity, looking instead to celebrate ‘other’ ways of living. In other words, they looked to queer  identity.  Instead of looking to gain access to the structures of white capitalist society, queer activists looked to build new structures outside of these norms. This new queer politics is summarised in brash poetics by QUASH, or “Queers United Against Straight-acting Heterosexuals”, in 1993, stating:  Assimilation is killing us. …Getting a corporate job, a fierce car and a condo does not protect you from dying of AIDS or getting your head bashed in by neo-Nazis. The myth of assimilation much be shattered…Fuck the heterosexual, nuclear family. Let’s make families which promote sexual choices and liberation rather than sexual oppression. Thus, queer  became an action, a way of living and doing politics by publicly enacting different social structures and ways of life outside socially acceptable limits. To queer  was to upset or deconstruct socially accepted notions of something to open considerations of other possibilities, so to queer  sexual identity was to upset the notion that heterosexuality was natural and good and everything else a perverted subversion. By the mid 1990s, queer carried a multiplicity of meanings and usages to different groups. It was a noun used to denote an identity, an adjective used to insult those thought to be homosexual, and a verb used to describe a new way of living and enacting politics.  Queer in the Academy: Queer Theory The AIDS epidemic’s effects were not contained to activism, rippling through the academy as well. The developments occurring in the 1990s in relation to LGBTQIA+ studies and activism are largely inseparable, as many academics were also activists and vice versa. As people started identifying as ‘queer’, academics were increasingly interested in understanding identities. This was accompanied in the 1960s, 70s, and 80s with the burgeoning growth of identity knowledges like Women Studies, Black Studies, and Latino Studies. By the 1990s, academics began to shift the focus of identity studies away from the confines of predefined societal groups. There was a growing understanding that by studying identities separately, those holding multiple identities or not fitting into pre-defined identity groups at all were overlooked. By the 1990s debates around these topics came to a head with the crisis of the AIDS epidemic.    So, while activists were trying to upset ideas of identity, scholars were following a similar pattern of deconstructing preset identities. A body of work quickly developed  challenging predetermined identity categories, aiming to trace the mechanisms of power that constructed and enshrined normative identity while tracking methods to upset these mechanisms. This work soon came to be known as “queer theory” – largely defined by its focus on upsetting settled ideas of identity, though there are those who may still debate this definition. To understand this multiplicity, it is important to tell at least some of the genealogies of queer theory in the academy.  Traditionally, the genealogy of queer theory is traced largely to the work of three theorists: Foucault, Butler, and Sedgewick. All three scholars prompted in some way the interrogation of preset, presupposed identities, focussing on homosexuality as their case study. Paradoxically, this early focus on homosexual identities soon came to define the discipline. Indeed, queer theory in many academic circles replaced older Lesbian and Gay studies entirely, becoming a shorthand for a new identity study. To this day, this tension causes rifts amongst queer theorists who  debate what exactly the focus of queer theory and queer studies should be. Is queer theory another identity-study or is it the exact opposite, a study looking to dismantle identity?.  Importantly, this is not the only genealogy of queer theory. As scholars like Amin have noted, this popular genealogy of queer theory is incredibly Euro-American centric. All three authors named are white, and their early subjects were often equally white with limited discussions around race. But another tradition of queer theory exists which does account for a myriad of social identities, often referred to today as queer of colour theory. This theory’s use of queer differs slightly from and even pre-dates the popular reclamation of the word by activists and the academy at large. People of colour in their scholarship and activism had long challenged the limits of identity, a history which has only recently been understood and claimed by the academy as an alternative origin and influence to queer theory.  Queer of colour theory was heavily influenced by the work of women of colour theorising in the 1960s, 70s, and 80s, something leading scholars in the discipline like Munoz are quick to acknowledge. Many of these academics and activists were lesbians or bisexual women whose non-normative sexual identity, race, class, and gender influenced their writing. This discipline traces its genealogy back to theorists like Audre Lorde and the Combahee River Collective, among many others. It is within this tradition of Black, Chicana/o, Latina/o, and decolonial organising that we see the first printed use of the term queer as a theoretical provocation. In a 1981 piece the brilliant Chicana feminist, writer, artist, poet, and powerhouse Gloria Anzaldúa used the term queer to denote racialised identities on the ‘borderlands’ of abjection. From this genealogy a body of queer of colour theory developed, populated by scholars like José Esteban Muñoz, Sara Ahmed, Juana María Rodríguez, among many others, investigating and challenging the complex matrices of power that normalises settled identity categories.  Clearly then, understanding queer theory and the operations of queer in scholarship is no less difficult than understanding the term’s use in popular parlance. It seems no matter where you look in the English-speaking world, queer carries with it a multiplicity of meanings. So, where does that leave us?  A Queer Tomorrow? Unfortunately, I don’t have the answers. Queer means many things to many people. So, perhaps all we can do is be mindful of how we use the word – to make sure we define, to the best of our abilities, the way we are using it. For me, as for many others whose history is intertwined in one way or another with the word, its meaning will likely always be personal.  Queer is a reminder of just how slippery language can be, how it can attach itself to many things, even those that are paradoxical. To many, such multiplicity of meaning can be overwhelming, confusing, and exhausting. Indeed, many activists and academics are keen to abandon the word altogether. But I see a promise in queer’s multiplicity. The very fact that the word has become so loaded with rapidly changing meaning and connotations creates a sense of hope. If a word can come to be so multi-faceted, then can we not let our identities be the same? In some ways, the history of the word queer is a metaphor for many of the things the word itself has tried to accomplish. Queer exists in fluidity, existing differently moment to moment, without ever losing its importance of continuity. In that way it is stable, it holds value and meaning even as those meanings change. I hope for a world in which we can all one day do the same. “The future is queerness’s domain… Queerness is a longing that propels us onward, beyond romances of the negative and toiling in the present. Queerness is that thing that lets us feel that this world is not enough, that indeed something is missing.” - José Esteban Muñoz (2009)  Further Reading  Amin, Kadji. 2020. “Chapter 1: Genealogies of Queer Theory.” In The Cambridge Companion to Queer Studies , by Siobhan B. Somerville, 17-29. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Anzaldúa, Gloria. 2015. “La Prieta.” In This Bridge Called My Back, by Cherríe Moraga, 198-209. Albany: State University of New York Press. Butler, Judith. 1993. Bodies that Matter.  New York City: Routledge. —. 1990. Gender Trouble; Feminism and the Subversion of Identity.  London and New York City: Routledge. Center for Disease Control (CDC). 1991. Current Trends Mortality Attributable to HIV Infection/AIDS -- United States, 1981-1990 .  25 Jan. Accessed April 16, 2024. https://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/preview/mmwrhtml/00001880.htm#:~:text=From%201981%20through%201990%2C%20100%2C777,deaths%20were%20reported%20during%201990 . Clarke, Mollie. 2021. 'Queer' History: A History of Queer.  9 Feb. Accessed April 15, 2024. https://blog.nationalarchives.gov.uk/queer-history-a-history-of-queer/ . Cohen, Cathy J. 1997. “Punks, Bulldaggers, and Welfare Queens: The Radical Potential of Queer Politics?” A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies  3 (4): 437-465. Fitzsimons, Tim. 2018. LGBTQ History Month: The Early Days on America's AIDS Crisis.  15 Oct. Accessed April 16, 2024. https://www.nbcnews.com/feature/nbc-out/lgbtq-history-month-early-days-america-s-aids-crisis-n919701 . Foucault, Michel. 1990. The History of Sexuality an Introduction.  Edited by Robert Hurley. Vol. 1. New York City: Vintage Books. Hanhardt, Christina B. 2024. “Queer History Article.” Organization of American Historians.  Accessed April 20, 2024. https://www.oah.org/tah/queer-history/queer-history-1/ . HIVInfo. 2023. HIV and AIDS: The Basics.  25 July. Accessed April 16, 2024. https://hivinfo.nih.gov/understanding-hiv/fact-sheets/hiv-and-aids-basics#:~:text=AIDS%20stands%20for%20acquired%20immunodeficiency,%2C%20illnesses%2C%20and%20certain%20cancers . Lemmey, Huw, and Ben Miller. 2022. Bad Gays: A Homosexual History.  London and New York: Verso. Lopez, German. 2016. The Reagan Administration's Unbelievable Response to the HIV/AIDS Epidemic.  1 Dec. Accessed April 15, 2024. https://www.vox.com/2015/12/1/9828348/ronald-reagan-hiv-aids . Lugones, María. 2007. “Heterosexualism and the Colonial/Modern Gender System.” Hypatia  22 (1): 186-209.---. 2010. “Toward a Decolonial Feminism.” Hypatia  25 (4): 742-759. Merriam-Webster Dictionary. n.d. Queer.  Accessed April 15, 2024. https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/queer#h1 . Muñoz, José Esteban. 2009. Cruising Utopia: The Then and There of Queer Futurity.  New York City: New York University Press. —. 1999. Disidentifications: Queers of Color and the Performance of Politics.  Minneapolis and London: University of Minnesota. Rodríguez, Juana María. 2014. Sexual Futures, Queer Gestures, and Other Latina Longings.  New York City: New York University Press. Sedgwick, Eve Kosofsky. 1993. Tendencies.  Durham: Duke University Press. —. 2003. Touching Feeling: Affect, Pedagogy, Performativity.  Durham and London: Duke University Press. Sullivan, Nikki. 2003. A Critical Introduction to Queer Theory.  New York City: New York University Press.

The institution of British government has almost always been dominated by men. Until the 20th century, women simply weren’t allowed to hold active positions or vote. Constance Markievicz was the first woman elected to the House of Commons in 1918 but didn’t serve for political reasons, so the first woman to actually take her seat as an MP and serve was Nancy Witcher Langhorne Astor in 1919.   150 years before this, the government of early modern Britain was exclusively run by men. However, just because women didn’t hold official titles or positions, didn’t mean that their influence on politics was negligible; quite the opposite in fact. Women were vital contributors to the goings-on of political society and were often integral in parliamentary elections and issues. Described by Elaine Chalus as “social politics” , 18th century women’s influential involvement was an important cog in the mechanics of men’s political careers.   Mary Mee was born between 1752 and 1754 to Benjamin and Elizabeth Mee. She was brought up in a modest household, as her father was a successful banker, but they were not part of the nobility; a situation that would quickly change in her adulthood. Mary had a thorough education growing up, bringing her love of learning as well as an acknowledgement of its importance to her household and children. Mary married Henry Temple, Second Viscount Palmerston on 7 January 1783. Her husband was an exuberant politician; a Member of Parliament for 40 years, he was a passionate Whig and subsequently a follower of Charles James Fox, Britain’s first Foreign Secretary and avid Whig statesman.   Mary placed great importance on education regardless of gender and was adamant all of her children receive a quality education in a variety of subjects. Mary shared an enlightened, liberal mindset and interests with her husband. This made its way into their household through political discussions, education, an awareness of the need to reform, and the cultured and erudite friends they kept. This was no doubt a strong, intellectual foundation for their four children including their eldest Henry John Temple, known as Harry.   Born in 1784, Harry would, in time, succeed his father and become the third Viscount Palmerston, and eventually Prime Minister of Britain in 1855. The key factor these two early modern political celebrities had in common was Mary. Henry Sr was already in the midst of British politics when he wed Mary Mee but with Mary by his side they continued to grow as an elite family with enviable political and social clout, as well as raise one of the most well-known Whig Prime Ministers of the 19th century. During his university studies Harry’s father passed away and he inherited all of the Palmerston land and titles becoming the third viscount Palmerston. Due to this rise in status, Harry no longer had to actually sit his examinations to pass but nevertheless, requested that he still did. This illustrates the importance he put on education and learning, just like his mother.   A large aspect of elite women’s lives was social, especially if their family was politically inclined. They would hold dinners and outings, attend gatherings, plays, weekends to country houses, balls; many with the hope of taking part in some political discussion or outreach, whether subtle or not. Women were the behind-the-scenes players when it came to politics. They would network, converse, and find the latest news, eventually relaying all of it back to their husbands. Mary was no exception, as her daily diary from 1791 shows a multitude of events attended and people met. On Thursday 10th February Mary writes “visited all ye morning”  on the 18th she “dined at Lord Malmsbury only Ly M Sir Gilbert . .”  and on the 20th  “went first to Lord Guildfords, then to ye first Sunday concert at Lord [Chestlys]” .   This is just a small selection of the types of entries in Mary’s pocket-book and they depict a very busy social calendar with members of elite society. She entertained many politically inclined friends, was familiar with the political events occurring at the time and took part in a multitude of occasions that were liberally motivated (as their household was). This would have provided the opportunity for her to interact with similarly minded friends and acquaintances, and likely discuss some form of political gossip or news. She frequently references dozens of Lords and Ladies of the nobility, either meeting them somewhere or hosting them in her home, exhibiting her social prowess and popularity.   Importantly, it wasn’t only ladies she entertained but men too. Many of these men and women were wrapped up in the politics of the day and Mary had constant access to their bended ears. She rarely mentions Lord Palmerston, begging the question if he was present for these engagements or not. If not, then it would have been up to her alone to socialise and, if needed, carefully politicise the conversation to either supply or gather information. This environment would have provided Harry with a strong foundation, understanding and comfortability with the political world.   The author David Steele for his ODNB  article on Temple, Henry John, third Viscount Palmerston  writes of Mary: “…Viscountess Palmerston, is a rather colourless figure beside her much older husband – equally well-meaning, but never quite at ease among the aristocracy.”  Based on her diaries and journals one could disagree about her colourlessness. Her manuscripts are filled with her many daily meetings, societal exploits, and local and international news, illustrating no lack of involvement among the aristocracy. Although one may have found her thoughtful disposition occasionally lacking the liveliness of her exuberant husband, it does not mean she was a bland, withdrawn, aristocratic housewife. In opposing instances, Mary has also been described as a lively, charming and elegant society hostess, who was witty and affectionate.   The Palmerstons were known for their enlightened life which included lots of travel, education, a love of the arts and social events. This worldly upbringing helped to shape the future PM, especially when it came to his foreign duties and policies. During his busy career, Harry spent a lot of time working for the Foreign Office and was widely acknowledged and celebrated for his role as foreign secretary, an important position during the peak of the British Empire. He was known for being opinionated, bold, open to new ideas and cautious. He possessed a strong nationalist attitude, prioritising Britain and its needs above all else and he worked with various countries and continents all around the world including Russia, Brazil and Africa. His work received both notoriety and nervousness; He was revered by a large portion of the British population, likely due to his nationalist tendencies, but left many members of government lukewarm about his actions and beliefs.   Mary and Henry took their four children on a four-year European tour in 1792. This tour alone would have enriched the minds of every member of the Temple family as they visited a multitude of countries and cities around Europe, absorbing and enjoying their landscapes, societies and cultures including significant events occurring at the time like the French Revolution. With such a diverse and fortunate childhood, it is no wonder Harry was so drawn to and successful with foreign politics. During his career he navigated Britain through years of tumultuous international conflicts. One such instance was the Opium Wars with China during the mid 19th century. As Prime Minister, Harry was partially responsible for the Treaty of Nanjing which ended the Opium Wars in 1842 and benefitted Britain wholly in respect to trade and put the territory of Hong Kong under British rule.   One of Mary’s journals clearly illustrates an interest she had in other countries and cultures. She used her journal almost like a commonplace book and copied out a selection of paragraphs from Bryan Edwards’ natural history book, The History, Civil and Commercial of the British Colonies in the West Indies, Vol I  from 1793. She clearly read the entire book as the selections she made are widely dispersed throughout, and she is undoubtedly very interested in the topics of natural history, geography and world history. These interests likely bled into her children’s education and possibly even to her husband’s enlightened learning. Harry’s choices throughout his political career point towards a passion for travel and global politics. In his early career as an MP, he was offered the prestigious position of Chancellor of the Exchequer in 1809 but refused, and instead took a job as the Secretary at War which was more focused on international dealings.   Another prominent influence in Mary’s life was her correspondent and friend Benjamin Thompson, Reichsgraf von Rumford. Rumford was a scientist, reformer, inventor and nobleman whom Mary and her family met in Milan in 1793 during their European tour. Meeting Rumford provided more opportunities for learning and exploration, especially for Mary. They became fast friends and began a correspondence that lasted 11 years until Mary’s death. They discussed all aspects of their lives, with Rumford sharing his array of ideas with Mary. These included: reforms for the poor, a new and more efficient fireplace for the home, and most notably his contributions to the founding of the Royal Institution in 1799, to which Mary was a devoted patron. This institution, still active today, desired to bring new science and technologies to the public.   Rumford had his new fireplaces installed into all three of the Palmerston’s homes and introduced Mary to some of his societal reforms regarding the poorer population as well as his famous soup recipe, which both no doubt inspired and possibly guided Mary’s philanthropic work. Rumford also gifted one of his diaries to Mary which depicted his travels and activities throughout Europe. This would have provided incredible insight into European events, politics and history, widening Mary’s already learned mind, along with anyone she shared it with. Mary, Henry and their children, would have benefitted greatly from having close ties to a friend like Rumford as well as friends and societies so integrated into the liberal and enlightened ideas of the day like the Royal Institution. Importantly, Mary is specifically noted to have shared many of the new, exciting ideas from the Royal Institution with her son Harry.   Unlike Mary’s journal, her pocket book did not have paragraphs copied from natural history books. It does, however, provide more insight into Mary and her family’s daily life and the ways she influenced them, through education, interests about the world, and otherwise.   The Palmerstons were likely aware of what was happening around London and England, being one of the elite families of the late 18th and early 19th centuries. This does not mean that it was expected for Mary to take a close enough interest that she would copy various news stories and events down in her daily pocket book. However, unsurprisingly, she did. She makes frequent reference to the war happening between Russia and Turkey, discusses a member of the elite who was recently arrested, and the arrival in England of an East India Company ship called the Indiaman which subsequently brought with it items she had ordered from abroad. This awareness of local and international events would add to a person’s knowledge base and equip them with the tools of fluent and impressive conversation when attending the social events of the season. This would have been a valuable skill Harry picked up from his parents.               Finally, one of the most important characteristics any parent can impart to their child is kindness. As a politician, kindness is not always a sought-after trait but injecting it into your actions can have an influential effect on the people you are serving. Harry has been described as having courage and humanity throughout his career and it is arguable that he learned these qualities from his mother, who was dedicated to her philanthropic work. Mary opened up more than one school, including a “school of industry”  just for girls, recognising the need for female education. She also opened up a “soup house”  (like a soup kitchen) and later, a sort of low-cost inn that provided meals for the poorer population. In her journal, she lists a recipe that uses potatoes to make more economical bread for those who couldn’t afford wheat. This might have been a recipe she kept for her soup houses to share with the poor she encountered.    Mary’s philanthropic endeavours came at a crucial time when there were severe food shortages throughout the country. Mary was very competent when it came to keeping account books and running businesses, which shows the proficiency that early modern women possessed, but above all else, was kind. A clear expression of Harry’s humanity came in 1818 when a frustrated man named Lieutenant Davies shot him in an attempt on his life. Despite this malicious-looking act, it was determined that Davies was mentally unwell and subsequently, Harry paid for the man’s legal defence. If Harry exhibited half of the generosity, humility and kindness that Mary demonstrated, there’s no doubt it would have helped him in social situations and his political career. It is possible it gave him more of an appreciation of all social classes and an understanding of what needed to be done to create healthier societies and a prosperous country. This doesn’t mean however, that Harry always made his political decisions with kindness in mind. He was known to be blunt and not afraid to risk conflict if it was in Britain’s best interest, as the Opium Wars with China illustrate. When it came to his home country though, he was passionate and had many goals to help the population including improving worker’s rights and pay.   Mary’s prioritisation and enjoyment of learning, travels, the enlightened friends she kept, her social clout , her ability to entertain and converse both politically and otherwise, and   her awareness, compassion and action towards the world she was living in, provided her with a greater understanding, appreciation and depth of character. These traits would benefit anyone in a position of power, especially where their decisions affected an entire nation.   There is no doubt that Harry, third viscount Palmerston and Prime Minister of Britain’s upbringing, rise to political power and popularity, were influenced greatly by Mary’s admirable intelligence, keen curiosity, educational encouragement, social awareness and prowess. Bibliography Brain, Jessica, ‘Lord Palmerston’, Historic UK , 2024 [accessed 19 November 2024] < https://www.historic-uk.com/HistoryUK/HistoryofBritain/Lord Palmerston/#:~:text =He%20was %20a%20remarkable%20figure,and%20respect%20amongst%20the% 20voters.>   Chalus, Elaine, ‘Elite Women, Social Politics, and the Political World of Late Eighteenth- Century England’, The Historical Journal , 43, no. 3 (2000) pp. 669-697   Chlaus, Elaine and M.O. Grenby, ‘Elections in 18th-Century England: Polling, Politics and Participation’, Parliamentary History , Vol. 43, pt. 1 (2024), pp. 5–19   Connell, Brian, Portrait of a Whig Peer  (London: Andre Deutsch, 1957)   James, Frank A. J. L, “When Ben Met Mary: The Letters of Benjamin Thompson, Reichsgraf von Rumford, to Mary Temple, Viscountess Palmerston, 1793–1804.”  Ambix  (2023), 70 (3) pp. 207–328 < https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00026980.2023.2234717 >   Krspecialcollections, “Travels in Europe”, University of Southampton Special Collections , 4 September 2019 [accessed 8 July 2024] < https://specialcollectionsuniversityofso uthampton.wordpress.com/tag/mary-mee/ >   Palmerston Papers. Vol. I. Commonplace book of Mary, Lady Palmerston; after Nov. 1789. ff.ii+20. 155 x 105mm. Contemporary limp brown calf binding , BL, Add MS 59851   Palmerston Papers. Vol. II. Pocket-book journal of Lady Palmerston; 1 Jan.-31 May 1791. ff. 72. 180 x 115mm , BL, Add MS 59852   Sjmaspero, ““On myself I have spent but little, I have perhaps unwisely yielded too much to distress & to relieve others I have involved myself”: the philanthropic works of Mary Mee”, University of Southampton Special Collections , 20 March 2020 [accessed 7 July 2024] < https://specialcollectionsuniversityofsouthampton.wordpress.com/202 0/03/12/on-myself-i-have-spent-but-little-i-have-perhaps-unwisely-yielded-too-much-to-distress-to-relieve-others-i-have-involved-myself-the-philanthropic-works-of-mary-mee/>   Sjmaspero, “The stories they tell: Lady’s Palmerston’s rewards of industry”, University of Southampton Special Collections , 17 September 2020 [accessed 7 July 2024] < https://specialcollectionsuniversityofsouthampton.wordpress.com/tag/mary-mee/ >   Smith, E. A, "Temple, Henry, second Viscount Palmerston (1739–1802), politician and traveller"  Oxford Dictionary of National Biography,  23 Sep. 2004 [accessed 2 Aug. 2024] < https://www.oxforddnb.com/view/10.1093/ref:odnb/9780198614128.001.0001/odnb-9780198614128-e-27111 >   Steele, David, "Temple, Henry John, third Viscount Palmerston (1784–1865), prime minister"  Oxford Dictionary of National Biography,  23 Sep. 2004 [accessed 2 Aug. 2024] < https://www.oxforddnb.com/view/10.1093/ref:odnb/9780198614128.001.0001/odnb-9780198614128-e-27112 >

The Ladies of Llangollen, Anne Lister, Anna Seward, and the problem of "Modern History's First Lesbians" Lesbians, sapphics, tribades, lesbi-gays, dykes, clitorist, beanflicker, Amy-John, clam smacker, scissor sister, invert. There’s plenty of names for women who love women, but what is our history, and who was the first lezza? Historical Sapphism Some historians believe that prior to the twentieth century there was simply no such thing as female homoeroticism, even arguing that women prior to this century couldn’t experience ‘lesbianism’ or lesbian sex because such concepts were invented by sexologists in the late nineteenth century. It’s laughable, and a brief look into the history books tell us quite opposite. In an article published in 2017, Anna Clark discusses historic sapphic subcultures among dancers and prostitutes, especially in metropolitan Paris in the early eighteenth-century. (Of course it's Paris.) Additionally, recent study of ‘deviant’ sexualities in European courts have explored Christina of Sweden’s affairs with women, notably Ebba Spare, as well as Marie Antoinette’s ‘lesbian’ sexual exploits which were the subject of several pamphlets during the French Revolution. Furthermore, in her 1789 denunciation, Hester Thrale Piozzi described Marie Antoinette as “ the Head of a Set of Monsters call’d by each other Sapphists ” Used liberally in this article and by this historian generally, the terms 'Sapphic', and ‘Sapphist’ were understood to be insults relating to female homoeroticism based on the comprehension that the Ancient Greek poet Sappho had sexual and romantic relationships with women as early as the fifteenth century. Sappho is also where we get the term ‘lesbian’, as this was the term for people from the Isle of Lesbos, where she lived. This terminology is evidenced as early as the fifteenth century . Furthermore, Rebecca Jennings’ A Lesbian History of Britain: Love and Sex Between Women Since 1500, provides a valuable discussion of evidence of female homoeroticism throughout ancient, medieval and early modern history in medical texts, literature, visual art and travel journals. In fact, female sexual gratification during the fourteenth - seventeenth centuries was thought to be fundamental to conception and to curing symptoms of female hysteria; if a husband was thought to be incapable of administering an orgasm, it was expected that a midwife would do so. Thus, female ‘administered’ sexual gratification was well established. A lack of awareness may be attributable to a lack of legal jurisdiction regarding female homoeroticism in comparison to strict laws and punishments for male homoeroticism throughout the centuries. Phallic-free sex couldn’t really be comprehended in strictly patriarchal societies, so even when and where there were laws regarding ‘lesbianism’, they were based on the use of ‘tools’ which weren’t a real penis in intercourse with women. For example, women in the fifteenth and sixteenth century in the Southern Netherlands faced strict prosecution for the crime of sodomy. These facts did little to disprove dominant historiography concerning female homoeroticism (or rather lack thereof) in historical study until the publication of Anne Lister’s explicit sexual exploits in the 1980s. Emma Donoghue has described these texts as the 'Dead Sea Scrolls of lesbian history’ for their incomparable impact in proving female homoeroticism prior to the twentieth century. Since the rediscovery and decoding of her diaries, Anne Lister has become a sapphic icon comparable to Sappho herself. Her apparent singularity in her efforts to live freely in matrimony with another woman has elicited a wealth of historical and cultural media attention. Most recently, she has dominated BBC ratings in the series ‘Gentleman Jack’, named for Lister’s malicious nickname among Halifax residents for the way she appeared ‘like a man’ according to her dress and engagement in business. The show is well worth a watch, and has been developed according to the 26 volumes that Lister wrote, specifically focussing on the last eight years of her life, when she decided to settle down and ‘marry’. There are inaccuracies, and several liberties taken with costume (she didn’t wear a tall hat, for example), and her height, but the changes are not particularly important to the narrative of the show, nor how we remember her. (This isn’t a historical-fiction article, so no more comments about the accuracy of dress, I promise.) The first series depicts Lister's determined mission to court and marry the much younger and often bewildered local heiress, Ann Walker. The final episode of the first series depicts the pair ‘marrying’ at the Holy Trinity Church in York on Easter Sunday, 1834. Series two follows their ‘marriage’ and Lister pushing Walker into making Lister a large beneficiary of her estate, something Lister had previously done for the 'love of her life' Mariana Lawton (née Belcombe). These events, depicted in remarkable accuracy support a popular belief that Lister was the first modern lesbian, and her ‘marriage’ to Walker unique. However, we know for a fact that female homoeroticism was not invented by this dashing sapphic in the eighteenth century, and if you cast your eye slightly broader, even the idea of marriage to another woman was not her own. (Shockingly, lesbians have always been trying to move in with each other and live their lives together.) Lister has had an undeniable impact on Sapphic history, yet her popular legacy as ‘Modern History’s first Lesbian’ is ridiculously unfair. For starters, the term lesbian, although used throughout this article, isn’t really one that we can use as the term was not popularly known or used, certainly not by the women we are discussing. Secondly, Anne Lister was not the only woman to fancy other women, otherwise she wouldn’t have found anyone to shag. And finally, if Anne Lister had to give an opinion on the subject, she would likely argue that she was 'Modern History’s First Lesbian', after the Ladies of Llangollen. Lady Eleanor Butler and Miss Sarah Ponsonby In July 1822, Anne Lister, along with her aunt, the elder Anne Lister, embarked on a long-awaited tour of North Wales, the shining moment of which was a stay in the Vale of Llangollen and two visits to a Tudor Style Cottage named Plas-Newydd. Meaning New-House’, Plas-Newydd was the home to the Anglo-Irish gentlewomen Lady Eleanor Butler and Miss Sarah Ponsonby. This pair of women were significant because they had done something completely out of the ordinary for eighteenth-century women, they had run away, and set up their own home, completely cutting ties with their families. Now that’s a simplified summary of events, so let’s go into more detail. Ponsonby and Butler met in around 1776, Butler was already a spinster (she was in her 30s, scandalous!), and Ponsonby, an eighteen-year-old. They would meet for tutoring, long walks and deep conversations, when Butler travelled, they sent rambling letters, telling how much they missed the other. It became clear quite quickly, that the pair were completely obsessed with each other. (Typical.) In April 1778, discovering that Ponsonby’s family were discussing her marriage, they decided to sneak out from their respective homes in Kilkenny and escape to Wales, where Butler had found a discrete cottage for their elopement. The first escape effort failed, and they were both imprisoned in their homes, until Butler, learning that she was to be packed off to a convent, escaped, and managed to get into Ponsonby’s chambers, where she hid for several days whilst the families debated what to do with their unruly girls. Eventually, on the 6th May, they were allowed to leave, with Ponsonby’s trusted maid, on the premise that they would not take any income from their families, nor return to Kilkenny. (Such a hardship…) So, Butler and Ponsonby ran off to Wales, eloping in ‘exquisite retirement’. They found a home in Llangollen and spent their days engaging in literary scholarship and lengthy walks around the Welsh hills, and their evenings in the same bed. They became a site of fascination for society, their ‘romantic friendship’ as it was known, thought of as an exquisite form of platonic love. Even Queen Charlotte (yes that one) adored them, and the Ladies engaged with her by sending a plan of their home and gardens. They welcomed a constant stream of visitors there to view the extensive literary collection, and the spectacle of the ladies themselves. These visitors included Anna Seward, who we will discuss in a moment, William Wordsworth, and even Lord Byron. Lister’s intrigue with these ‘Ladies of Llangollen’ as they were nicknamed, was two-fold; firstly, regarding their extensive literary scholarship, and secondly, the exact intimate nature of their relationship. During her visit on the 23rd July 1822, Lister attempted to ask Ponsonby about the true nature of their relationship, asking if they were ‘classical’, meaning homoerotic, which Ponsonby denied. Although she was unable to discern the true extent of the intimacy shared between Butler and Ponsonby, the impact on the then 31-year-old Lister was made. Later that day Lister writes, ‘I cannot help but thinking that surely it [their relationship] was not platonic’. (Very astute, Anne.) Romantic Friendship or homo-eroticism? Whilst historical study on the Ladies of Llangollen has not been lacking in quantity, in terms of ‘queer’ studies it has certainly been lacking in quality. The story of the pair’s attempted secret flight and eventual successful elopement, against the best efforts of their families, would, had either been male have been an undeniably sexually charged tale of forbidden lovers. However, dominant historiography continues to consider Butler and Ponsonby’s relationship as the idyllic platonic ‘Romantic Friendship’ of the long eighteenth century: a fairly common intimate relationship between women which surpassed any other friendship, but was not sexual. This is despite substantial evidence which supports an argument that their elopement was every bit the twenty-first century cottage-core fantasy it appears. As well as the basic fact that other romantic friendships would last for a few years at the most, and end with one or both women involved marrying men and moving on. Historians have struggled to conceptualise this relationship in light of the facts, for example, the 1936 narrative biography Chase of the Wild Goose by lesbian, doctor, and author, Mary Gordon presents the Ladies as proto-feminist and proto-lesbian. In her fantastical epilogue she alludes to the queer connotations of their partnership and thanks them for making ‘the way straight for the time that we inherited …’. However, she does not entertain a possibility of a sexual relationship. Similarly, Elizabeth Mavor, writing in 1971 strives to decry claims of a sexual relationship, or ‘Freud-ism’, concluding that whilst the Ladies of Llangollen are an example of an extraordinarily close ‘Romantic Friendship’ the ambiguity of their intimacy stems from their longevity, and nothing more. Now we know that these arguments are fundamentally flawed, female homoeroticism was an established fact, Gordon and Mavor’s obsessive attempts to avoid any implication of a sexual relationship, or ‘Freud-ism’ in their portrayals of the Ladies of Llangollen has resulted in texts which ignore glaring and simple facts. Such as their dramatic elopement; fifty years of cohabitation; bed sharing; exclusive use of the phrase ‘My Beloved’; never spending a night apart; and their uninhibited and unwavering dedication to each other from the moment of their meeting. (It's all very straight, isn't it?) If this were truly an innocent Romantic Friendship, why was their elopement scandalous? Lady Betty Fownes, Ponsonby's guardian, wrote of her happiness on hearing of Butler's impending confinement, 'I wish she had been safe in one [a convent] long ago; she would have made us [all] happy. Many an unhappy hour she has cost me, and, I am convinced, years to Sally [Sarah]' . Despite Mavor and Gordon’s wilful ignorance, the retirement to Wales was clearly understood by all parties to not be a temporary excursion. The dedication shown by these women was indicative even to their earliest contemporaries of something greater than a ‘Romantic Friendship’. Furthermore, considering primary texts such as the Hamwood Papers (Butler’s diaries and their correspondence) it is clear that Butler and Ponsonby thought of themselves as good as married. In convincing Fownes that she could be trusted with her guard, Butler promised that she would care for her ‘for better or for worse, for richer or for poorer, in sickness or in health’. Whilst Ponsonby, in response to Mrs Lucy Goddard’s fearful warning that Butler was a woman who ‘does not understand virtue…’ adding, ‘…she might make love to you,” replied laughing , ‘I hope that she will love me… she does so beautifully. ’ Regardless of if these comments were meant in sincerity or jest, it is clear that they were aware of, and unafraid of the connotations their intimate relationship encouraged. In a discussion of their self-awareness it is also worth noting that the Ladies of Llangollen had a string of dogs named Sappho. As literary scholars this may be ignored as simple poetic favour, fragments of Sappho’s poetry which may have been considered homoerotic were typically censored throughout the eighteenth century. However, as stated, Sappho was already synonymous with female homoeroticism, Emma Donoghue and Susan Lanser have established that any exclusion of these excerpts indicate an inherent, and fearful understanding of deviance, but this censorship wasn’t complete, and the texts could be accessed. It would be ignorant to argue that the Ladies of Llangollen, whose literary scholarship was almost unparalleled, were unaware of the implication of this name. Why is it so difficult to accept historic sapphism? Jennings explains that the fundamental obstacle to studies of ambiguous sapphic relationships is ‘essentialism’ (the idea that same-sex relationships have always existed and need to be rescued) and ‘constructionism’ (that sexual practises and identities are defined by wider culture and thus, how we define them tells us more about ourselves than of the relationships in question). It is perhaps because of this difficulty, and because of what Jennings describes as an obsession with defining ‘lesbianism’ through sex, that the Ladies of Llangollen are overlooked as an example of female same-sex love and homoeroticism. To put it simply, it seems to suit conservatism to consider Anne Lister entirely singular in her vulgarity. Fiona Brideoake provides the most effective rebuttal of reductive studies, starting with a criticism of Faderman’s conclusion that ‘lesbianism’ is a gendered commitment to another woman. Brideoake argues that these relationships are in fact, indicative of a multifaceted identity which should be considered equal to heterosexuality. However, the issues surrounding comprehending these relationships remain, thus, the terminology used to discuss them must be carefully chosen. Brideoake favours the umbrella term ‘ queer’ meaning alternative to heteronormativity, Sarah Bentley defines their relationship, or rather our understanding of ‘Romantic Friendships’ to be ‘queer platonic’. However, is the accuracy of their intimacy the most significant factor of their relationship? As Elin Salt, the playwright of ‘Celebrated Virgins’ a 2022 play about the Ladies of Llangollen, states ‘if this was a man and a woman... We'd just accept they were two people who loved each other .” It is not the complexities of their relationship which are important, it is their impact as perceived Sapphists which needs to be considered. An anti- ‘lesbian’ argument could be supported by Hester Thrale Piozzi’s good friendship with Butler and Ponsonby. Piozzi is damning of perceived sapphism. For example, in her in 1789 denunciation of Marie Antoinette; Piozi also accused Anne Seymour Damer, an artist who was a rumoured sapphist of ‘ liking her own sex in a criminal way... ’. Piozzi would have been aware of the suggestions made concerning the intimacy of Butler and Ponsonby’s relationship thanks to a number of news publications disparaging the Ladies and their relationship, such as an article titled ‘Extraordinary Female Affection’ for a 1790 issue of the St James’ Chronicle . It is perhaps due to the inaccuracies of such articles that Piozzi does not disparage Butler and Ponsonby as she does other women who appear unsuitably single , describing them instead as ‘ enchantresses’. However, as established ‘lesbians’ Anne Lister and Anna Seward both considered the Ladies of Llangollen as their emotional and erotic ‘kin’ it is in a study of these latter women that their position as ‘Modern History’s First Lesbians’ can be understood. Understanding sapphism through tragedy Queer history is often quite tragic, between forced heterosexuality, death and separation, you're hard pressed to find a truly happy queer relationship. Even Sarah and Eleanor's de facto marriage necessitated an almost permanent split from their families and homes. Queer individuals and relationships are recognisable through tragedy, a good example of this is Anna Seward, queer, a romantic poet and friend to the Ladies of Llangollen. Seward's writing and letters support an argument of lesbianism; she wrote to Mrs M. Powys in 1796 describing the Ladies of Llangollen as a modern Rosalind and Celia, the cross-dressing ‘lesbians’ of Shakespeare’s As You Like It . More significant however, is the suggestion that through their relationship, Seward was able to mourn the loss of her own love, living somewhat vicariously through her friends. The majority of Seward’s biographical studies pay little attention to the cause of her lifelong depression, perhaps to avoid a discussion of the poet’s sexuality. Literary studies of her work have however highlighted the cause of her heartbreak as the loss of Honora Sneyd, first to marriage and later to death, primary to that of the other numerous griefs Seward suffered, including the death of her sister and father, to both of whom she was remarkably close. Sneyd, who Seward refers to as the ‘sun of my youthful horizon’, ‘my lost Honora’ and ‘my constant companion’ is considered to be an equal or greater inspiration to Seward’s Ossianic literature than the death of her other famous lover Major Andre. She describes her grief for her lost lovers simultaneously, writing [the memory of them is] ‘rising, like an exhalation, in my memory’ . In her 2015 publication, Joellen DuLucia situates Seward’s grief and her sapphism in the context of her epic, Llangollen Vale, which personifies Butler and Ponsonby . This, along with William Wordsworth’s later sonnet were significant contributors to the Ladies’ popular celebrity, and the language used by both is thought to have protected the Ladies of Llangollen from scandal regarding the nature of their relationship. However, if read through a queer lens, Seward’s epic narrative in particular, can be read as an ode not only to ‘Eleanora and Zara’, but through the lack of tragedy, a melancholic ode to the tragic Honora Sneyd. Particularly enlightening is the line which hopes that they [Butler and Ponsonby] will ‘perish together beneath “one kind icebolt,” a peace she and Sneyd could never share. ‘Modern History’s First Lesbian’ herself, Anne Lister, first read about the Ladies of Llangollen in an 1810 article in the fashionable magazine La Belle Assemblee. However, Lister’s sapphism could not be attributed to the reading of an article. As her diaries indicate, Lister had been considered ‘odd’ throughout her childhood, too masculine, too daring and too vulgar. Her first relationship began when Lister was 15, and confined to the attic of her boarding school in fears that she would negatively influence the other girls. Her roommate, Eliza Raine, an Anglo-Indian girl who was also considered too non-conformist to share the usual dormitories, became her first love from 1806 until 1814. Moreover, Lister’s relationship with Mariana Lawton began in 1812, however, it is only once Mariana visits Llangollen in 1817 and writes of Butler and Ponsonby’s unparalleled devotion that the pair began to seriously envisage a future together, despite Lawton’s marriage and the unfortunate eventuality that her husband did not die. Initially pushed by Lawton, from the moment of her own visit in 1822, Lister too was entirely convinced; she wrote days after her visit ‘ I should not like to live in Wales – but if it must be so, and I could choose the spot, it should be Plas-Newydd at Llangollen, which is already endeared even to me by the association of ideas. ’ (Very platonic!) Plas-Newydd and Llangollen Vale became, during the lifetimes of Lady Eleanor Butler and Miss Sarah Ponsonby and continues to be to this day, a destination of pilgrimage for LGBTQIA+ individuals. This is indicative of their legacy as identifiable non-conformists to a cis and heteronormative society with which countless cannot identify. In considering the impact of these women on Anne Lister and Anna Seward it is clear that in a discussion of the ‘Modern History’s First Lesbians’ the Ladies of Llangollen do precede Anne Lister, regardless of the sexual intensity of their relationship. Further reading: ‘The Hamwood Manuscripts’, papers of Lady Eleanor Butler and Sarah Ponsonby, comprising diaries and correspondence, together with related papers, (1774-1831) The National Library of Wales, < https://archives.library.wales/index.php/hamwood-manuscripts > Norton, Rictor (Ed.), "Extraordinary Female Affection, 1790", Homosexuality in Eighteenth-Century England: A Sourcebook , (22 April 2005, updated 15 June 2005) http://rictornorton.co.uk/eighteen/1790extr.htm l Seward, Anna, ‘Llangollen Vale, inscribed to the Right Honourable Lady Eleanor Butler, and Miss Ponsonby’, in Llangollen Vale, with Other Poems, (London: 1796), Published online at Eighteenth-Century Poetry Archive, < https://www.eighteenthcenturypoetry.org/works/bse96-w0010.shtml > Thrale, Hester Lynch, Thraliana: The Diary of Mrs Hester Lynch Thrale (Later Mrs Piozzi), 1776-1809, Ed. Katherine C. Balderston, Vol.2 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1942) The Diaries of Anne Lister Lister, Anne, Whitbread, Helena (ed.), I know My Own Heart: The Diaries of Anne Lister, (New York and London, 1988) Lister, Anne, Whitbread, Helena (ed.), No Priest but Love: The Journals of Anne Lister from 1824-1826, (New York: New York University Press, 1992) Lister, Anne, Whitbread, Helena (ed.), The Secret Diaries of Anne Lister, (London: Virago Press, 2010) ‘Courageous and Audacious Ladies of Llangollen’, Duke University Libraries, (06/03/2018), < https://blogs.library.duke.edu/rubenstein/2018/03/06/courageous-audacious-ladies-llangollen/ > ‘Female Sodomy’, Not Just the Tudors, (2022), https://open.spotify.com/episode/1UVn5aESC9aIf2ShXyEKKZ?si=OD_AV7_AR8ano9Qr7G3WcA Baigent, Elizabeth, ‘Lister, Anne’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, (2004/updated 2019), < https://doi.org/10.1093/ref:odnb/37678 > Bentley, Sarah, ‘The Ladies of Llangollen’, Wellcome Collection, (13/03/2018), < https://wellcomecollection.org/articles/WqewRSUAAB8sVaKN > Bowerbank, Sylvia, ‘Seward, Anna ( called the Swan of Lichfield), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, (2004). < https://doi.org/10.1093/ref:odnb/25135 > Brideoake, Fiona, ‘” Extraordinary Female Affection”: The Ladies of Llangollen and the Endurance of Queer Community’, Romanticism on the Net, Number 36-27, (November 2004, February 2005), < https://doi.org/10.7202/011141ar > Bryan, Nicola, ‘Gentleman Jack: The Ladies of Llangollen who intrigued Anne Lister’, BBC News, (02/04/2022), < https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-wales-60917657 > Castle, Terry, The Apparitional Lesbian: Female Homosexuality and Modern Culture, (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993) Clark, Anna, ‘Secrets and Lies: Anne Lister’s Love for Women and the Natural Self’, in Clark, Anna, Alternative Histories of the Self: A Cultural History of Sexuality and Secrets, 1762-1917, (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2017), pp.5-77, <: https://www.jstor.org/stable/3840441 > Colwill, Elizabeth, ‘Pass as a Woman, Act like a Man: Marie-Antoinette as Tribade in the Pornography of the French Revolution’, in Merrick, Jeffrey, and Ragan, Bryant T., (eds.) Homosexuality in Modern France, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996) Coyle, Eugene, ‘The Irish Ladies of Llangollen: ‘The two most celebrated virgins in Europe’’, History Ireland, Vol.23, No.6 (Nov/Dec 2015), pp.18-20, < https://www.jstor.org/stable/43598746 > Crampton, Caroline, ‘The lesbian Dead Sea Scrolls: Anne Lister’s diaries’, The New Statesman, (05/12/2013), < https://www.newstatesman.com/uncategorized/2013/12/lesbian-dead-sea-scrolls > DeLucia, JoEllen, ‘Queering Progress: Anna Seward and Llangollen Vale’, in DeLucia, JoEllen, A Feminine Enlightenment: British Women Writers and the Philosophy of Progress, 1759-1820, (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2015), pp.87-116, < DOI:10.3366/edinburgh/9780748695942.003.0003 > Euler, Catherine A., Moving Between Worlds: Gender, Class, Politics, Sexuality and Women’s Networks in the Diaries of Anne Lister of Shibden Hall, Halifax, Yorkshire, 1830-1840, (D. Phil: University of York, May 1995), Faderman, Lillian, Surpassing the Love of Men, (London: The Women’s Press LTD., 1985) Figes, Lydia, ‘Lesbian love and coded diaries: the remarkable story of Anne Lister’, Art UK, (10/05/2019), Gordon, Mary, The Llangollen Ladies, originally titled Chase of the Wild Goose (North Wales: John Jones, 1936, this ed. 1999) Grant, Allison, ‘The Dangers of Playing House: Celia’s Subversive Role in As You Like It’, Selected Papers of the Ohio Valley Shakespeare Conference, Vol.4, Article 5, (2011), <: http://ideaexchange.uakron.edu/spovsc/vol4/iss2011/5 > Griffiths, Hannah, ‘The Ladies of Llangollen’, The National Archives Blog, (08/02/2022), < https://blog.nationalarchives.gov.uk/the-ladies-of-llangollen/ > Hallett, Judith P., ‘Sappho and Her Social Context: Sense and Sensuality’, Signs, Vol.4, No.3, (Spring 1979), pp.447-464, < https://www.jstor.org/stable/3173393 > Hunt, Margaret R., ‘The Sapphic Strain: English Lesbians in the Long Eighteenth Century’, in Bennett, Judith M., and Froide, Amy M., (eds.) Singlewomen in the European Past, 1250-1800 , (Pennsylvania: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999), pp.270-296 Iglikowski-Broad, Vicky, ‘Gentleman Jack: Anne Lister - the first modern lesbian?’ the National Archives Blog, (09/07/2022), Jennings, Rebecca, A Lesbian History of Britain: Love and Sex Between Women Since 1500, (Oxford, Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood World Publishing, 2007) Katz, Brigit, ‘The 19th-century Lesbian Landowner who set out to find a wife’, Smithsonian Magazine, (19/04/2019), < https://www.smithsonianmag.com/arts-culture/19th-century-lesbian-landowner-who-set-out-find-wife-180971995/ > Mavor, Elizabeth, ‘Butler, Lady (Charlotte) Eleanor’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, (2004/2006), < https://doi.org/10.1093/ref:odnb/4182 > Mavor, Elizabeth, The Ladies of Llangollen: A Study in Romantic Friendship, (London: Penguin Books, 1971) Reynolds, Nicole, ‘Cottage Industry: The Ladies of Llangollen and the Symbolic Capital of the Cottage Ornee’, The Eighteenth Century, Vol.51, No.1/2, (Spring/Summer 2010), pp.211-227, < https://www.jstor.org/stable/41468095 > Saunders, Amy, ‘The Afterlife of Christina of Sweden: Gender and Sexuality in Heritage and Fiction’, Royal Studies Journal, Issue 6, (2019), pp.204-221, < http://doi.org/10.21039/rsj.199 > Valladares, Susan, ‘” An introduction to the Literary Person[s]” of Anne Lister and the Ladies of Llangollen’, Literature Compass, Issue 10, (2013), pp.353-368 Willis, Matthew, ‘Who were the Ladies of Llangollen?’, JSTOR Daily, (10/04/2022), < https://daily.jstor.org/who-were-the-ladies-of-llangollen/ >